Sydney Ember and Katie Glueck

The question now is when. And for some Democrats, the moment cannot come fast enough.

“Oh my gosh, I hope it’s soon,” said JoAnn Hardy, the Democratic chair of Cerro Gordo County, Iowa, where most of the field will descend next week for a major Democratic dinner.

“I have some activists who are not getting involved because they like to study the candidates, learn all about them, and it’s too overwhelming to do,” Hardy said.

Rep. Eric Swalwell of California is the only candidate who has ended his bid since the race got competitive. But a number of factors in the coming months could prompt other fringe candidates to join him among the ranks of the also-rans.

Candidates who have failed to catch on with donors could run out of money. They could throw in the towel once they fail to meet the September debate qualifications. Or they could decide to drop out to further their ambitions at home.

Here is what we’re watching for in the coming weeks:

— There’s little incentive to drop out right away

The packed schedule of events being held in early-voting primary states means even long-shot contenders have little incentive to drop out anytime soon. They believe they will have multiple chances to press their cases in front of voters and activists in August.

More than 20 candidates are scheduled to attend the Iowa State Fair, which begins next week and stretches through Aug. 18. Gov. Steve Bullock of Montana, who made his debate stage debut this week, is expected to be the first candidate to speak, on Thursday, and Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts, who failed to qualify for either set of debates, is set to go last, on Aug. 17.

The Iowa Democratic Wing Ding, a major Democratic event that will be held in Hardy’s county Aug. 9, will feature 22 candidates, said Randy Black, the event’s chair.

And 21 candidates are listed as confirmed attendees for the Sept. 21 steak fry in Polk County, Iowa.

In New Hampshire, the state party has said it anticipates that all of the candidates will appear at its convention, slated for Sept. 7 in Manchester.

But some candidates may start to run out of money

As the summer months roll on, the amount of money even the most determined (and stubborn) candidates have in the bank will become increasingly important.

Heading into the fall, the candidates will need to start building up their campaign operations and deploying more staff on the ground in early-voting states to stay viable. Many will also want to start running television ads in those states.

All of this costs money, and some candidates could soon realize that they simply don’t have enough to continue running a competitive campaign.

As of the end of June, only five candidates — former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, Sen. Kamala Harris of California and Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana — had more than $10 million in the bank.

Several, including Moulton, Rep. Tim Ryan of Ohio, former Gov. John Hickenlooper of Colorado and Mayor Bill de Blasio of New York, had less than $1 million cash on hand.

What’s most important, though, is a candidate’s burn rate — that is, how much a campaign has spent relative to its fundraising. Too high a burn rate can spell trouble for the long haul.

Former Rep. John Delaney of Maryland, for instance, had a burn rate of more than 750% in the second quarter. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, whose campaign has a large staff, had a burn rate of 185%. Hickenlooper was at 142%. Rep. Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii had a burn rate of 121%.

On the other hand, some campaigns that have not raised much money have managed to keep costs down. Sen. Michael Bennet of Colorado, for example, had a burn rate of 47%. De Blasio’s was 33% and Bullock’s was 28%. While they have failed to catch fire, these candidates could see no real reason to drop out just yet.

— And many face a steep climb in the polls

In a Quinnipiac University national poll released Monday, 14 presidential candidates did not even register 1% support, while four others earned 1% each. It was a stark reminder of just how long the odds are for the vast majority of the field.

After two debates, none of the lowest-polling candidates have managed to generate the kind of meaningful, lasting momentum that would allow them to break into the next tier of contenders.

Certainly, there is still time to create a viral moment and to work to capitalize on it, and for some candidates, that dream is enough to prevent them from dropping out in the near future. But that goal grows more elusive every day as the top contenders dominate the spotlight.

“I don’t understand why some of the 1-percenters aren’t leaving the field,” Hardy said. “We need some people to drop out.”

— The September debate deadline is approaching

For the first two rounds of debates in June and July, the Democratic National Committee set the bar to qualify relatively low: assemble 65,000 donors or register at least 1% in three polls. Twenty candidates made the cut.

But it’s about to get a lot tougher for candidates to qualify for the next debate, to be held Sept. 12 and 13 in Houston. To guarantee a third-round debate spot, candidates will need to collect 130,000 unique donors and register at least 2% support in four polls. They have until Aug. 28 — or about four weeks left — to do so.

So far, only seven candidates — Biden, Warren, Sanders, Harris, Buttigieg, Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey and former Rep. Beto O’Rourke of Texas — have met both criteria and are ensured a spot onstage.

Three other candidates — Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, former Housing Secretary Julián Castro and the technology executive Andrew Yang — are close. And it’s possible that the self-help author Marianne Williamson, the billionaire activist Tom Steyer and perhaps some others could qualify as well.

An analysis by The New York Times of polls and donor numbers suggests only 10 to 12 candidates will make it to the third round, leaving the remaining ones, many of whom are already struggling to break through, with an even narrower path to national exposure.

Some may decide it’s just not worth it, especially if they are facing a competitive race at home — or if they see better odds running for the Senate.

This article originally appeared in <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/01/us/politics/2020-democratic-presidential-candidates.html" id="07ff1372-0e31-363c-a9da-807a003748df">The New York Times</a>.

When Will the 2020 Democratic Field Start to Shrink?

For two nights this week, voters once again watched a total of 20 Democratic presidential candidates try to outmaneuver their rivals on the debate stage. But it’s inevitable: At some point, the historically large field of Democratic candidates will get smaller, the debate stage less crowded.

“I am disappointed, I have to say, in Joe, who is a friend of mine, really distorting what Medicare for All is about,” Sanders said in an interview hours before he delivered a speech Wednesday defending his health care proposal. “And unfortunately, he is sounding like Donald Trump. He is sounding like the health care industry in that regard.”

To Biden, the Democratic front-runner, Medicare for All is a costly and complex proposal that means eliminating private health insurance — and scrapping the Affordable Care Act.

“I knew the Republicans would do everything in their power to repeal Obamacare,” he said in a video this week as he rolled out his own health care proposal. “They still are. But I’m surprised that so many Democrats are running on getting rid of it.”

After months of warily watching each other from afar, Sanders and Biden, two Democratic septuagenarian contenders for president, have taken aim at each other on the fraught and critical battleground of U.S. health care policy.

Sanders in particular has escalated the attacks in recent days. His campaign called Biden’s health care plan “Bidencare” and even released a video that accuses him of “lying” about Medicare for All. But Biden, too, has been a more-than-willing participant, openly criticizing Medicare for All on multiple campaign swings over the past week.

Their sparring reflects strategic political calculations. For Biden, who appears increasingly willing to draw contrasts with his Democratic rivals after a rocky first presidential debate, health care provides a way to highlight distinctions between himself and several opponents who support Medicare for All, including Sanders and Sens. Kamala Harris and Elizabeth Warren.

For Sanders, outraised by several rivals including Warren and falling in some polls, Medicare for All — which he has preached for decades — offers a possible path back to the center of the national political conversation.

But there is more to their jousting than just normal campaign maneuvering. Health care is a personal issue for both men — to Sanders, it is a fundamental human right and embodies his lifelong message of economic equality. To Biden, who was vice president to Barack Obama when the Affordable Care Act was passed, it is also connected to the death of his son Beau Biden, who died after a battle with brain cancer.

Politically, polls show that health care is a top priority for Democrats, and an emphasis on protecting people with preexisting conditions and reducing health care costs helped Democrats in last year’s midterms when they picked up 40 seats in the House. With Trump and Republicans repeatedly threatening to unravel Obamacare, Democrats hope that the issue of health care will again work in their favor.

If Sanders and Biden have both seemed at times to relish the debate, it has also thrown into sharp relief two competing visions for the Democratic Party.

Biden embraces fixes to the health care system and the addition of a public option, rather than a full-scale overhaul, portraying that approach as more pragmatic in today’s fractured political landscape, to say nothing of appealing to a nostalgia for the Obama era. The other view, championed by Sanders and others on the left, is that the nation’s challenges are so significant that only the boldest, most transformational proposals will do.

The philosophical clash erupted Wednesday when Sanders delivered a formal address in Washington on the merits of replacing the health care system with Medicare for All, saying his plan would “save lives” and urging presidential candidates to reject contributions from the health care industry.

Though he did not mention Biden by name, he took several veiled swipes at him, joking about how much Americans love their private insurance (they do not, Sanders claimed, though polls tell a more complicated story) and about how they love paying their insurance premiums (ditto).

It was a conflict that had been simmering for days.

Last week, Biden told reporters in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, that Medicare for All is not “Medicare as you know it.”

“It is one that I think is going to be difficult to pass, No. 1,” he said. “But No. 2, I think people should be able to be in a situation, if they want to keep their employer-based insurance, they should be able to do it.”

Though Biden said Sanders had been “very honest” about the costs of Medicare for All, he still drew a forceful rebuke from the Vermont senator, who accused Biden of echoing the insurance and pharmaceutical industries — and Republicans — in his criticisms of Medicare for All.

And Monday, Sanders blasted Biden’s health care plan, suggesting it was aligned with “corporate greed.”

After initially failing to respond to requests for comment, a Biden spokesman, Andrew Bates, sent a statement after this article was published online saying Biden “disagrees with any Republican, Democrat, or Independent who wants to dismantle the ACA at a time when we should be protecting and building on it.”

Sanders is running in the Democratic primary but is an independent from Vermont.

Aides to Sanders suggest the escalating confrontation plays into his hands: They have been trying to frame the primary as a competition between him and Biden, hoping to set up the same kind of insurgent-versus-establishment contrast that worked to Sanders’ advantage in 2016, when he was the foil to Hillary Clinton. And they view poaching supporters from Biden, particularly working-class Democrats, as the most promising way for Sanders to grow his base.

To help their case, they have been urging Sanders to go after Biden more aggressively.

Yet for weeks, they have remained frustrated with polls showing Biden still leading Sanders by comfortable margins, some allies said. The recent surges by Warren and Harris and the fundraising prowess of Mayor Pete Buttigieg have also dispelled the notion that it is a two-person contest.

“He’s clearly losing support, both in the national polls and in states,” Stan Greenberg, a veteran Democratic pollster, said of Sanders. “He has no choice. I think he’s made a decision, he’s got to make himself relevant again. Health care was the issue in which he was relevant last time, and it was very important in the campaign in 2016, so I think it makes a lot of sense for him to try to draw this contrast on health care, particularly in the primary.”

Mark Longabaugh, who was one of Sanders’ top advisers in 2016 but left the 2020 team this year, said Sanders was “really good in a contrast.”

But he cautioned that the senator would be ill-advised to discount his other opponents at this point.

“You’ve got obviously several other significant candidates and actors in this thing,” he said. “I just don’t see this election turning into a Biden-versus-Bernie race.”

Biden’s allies point to the political realities in Washington — which includes a Republican-controlled Senate — as evidence that passing a sweeping overhaul of the nation’s health care system would be exceedingly difficult and argue that Biden’s proposal is more realistic.

“I’m not so sure anyone believes Americans are ready to go through a wholesale change in the health care system,” said John Anzalone, a Biden pollster. “Joe Biden is approaching this as, people are hurting, what can we do now, or in the very near future, when a Democrat is president?”

In a separate interview over the weekend with The New York Times, Sanders appeared to acknowledge the steep political requirements of his proposal, saying “a Democratic Senate is certainly absolutely imperative if we’re going to go forward” and added that members on both sides of the aisle would have to come together to create “a system which is designed not to provide huge profits for the drug companies and the insurance companies but quality care to all people.”

As the battle over health care continues, even Sanders’ advisers are no longer hiding their distaste for Biden’s criticisms.

“This campaign will not be a punching bag for misinformation out of the Biden campaign,” said Jeff Weaver, Sanders’ 2016 campaign manager and his closest adviser.

Referring to the last presidential contest, he added, “If people want to go into the general election in 2020 with a candidate with the same set of policy prescriptions as 2016, that’s a real roll of the dice.”

This article originally appeared in <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/18/us/politics/sanders-biden-health-care.html" id="d06819fd-25b5-3dc1-ac07-372adbfe4b17">The New York Times</a>.

Sanders and Biden Fight Over Health Care, and It's Personal

WASHINGTON — Sen. Bernie Sanders does not understand Joe Biden’s position on health care. To Sanders, the health care system is broken, and the only way to fix it is to replace it with his signature policy plan known as “Medicare for All.”

Sanders is running in the Democratic primary but is an Independent from Vermont.

Why Sanders and Biden Are Sparring Over Health Care

Biden said Trump “may have committed a crime” and had endangered the country’s national security.

Wearing his signature aviator sunglasses in the Las Vegas sun and heat, Biden, who has rarely emphasized impeachment, avoided the issue Friday afternoon. But he forcefully denounced the president’s recent attacks against him and his son Hunter, declaring them “flat, dead wrong,” while asserting that his family could “handle this.”

“It’s not about me,” he said, speaking to a modest but supportive crowd at a community center. “We’ll overcome this. This is fine.”

In the week since the furor erupted over Trump’s entreaty to the president of Ukraine to investigate Biden and his son, the former vice president has toggled between searing criticism of Trump and a more traditional campaign message, as his team wrestles with how to maximize a moment that highlights both Trump’s unease about facing Biden and the delicate personal nature of the issue for the Democratic candidate.

On Friday, he also offered his views on health care and climate change, joked about how hot it was outside, posed for selfies with the crowd and even signed a baseball.

Biden’s denunciation of the president continued a week of stinging exchanges between the two, as the president has hammered away at Biden over his son Hunter’s past work for a Ukrainian energy company.

On Friday, Trump’s campaign released a new ad — part of a $10 million advertising push — accusing Democrats of trying to “steal” the election in retribution for having lost the last one. And he declared that Biden had promised Ukraine $1 billion in exchange for firing the prosecutor who was investigating his son, suggesting Democrats were hypocritical.

In response, Biden’s deputy campaign manager, Kate Bedingfield, issued a strongly worded statement, saying Trump’s presidency was “melting down.”

“Donald Trump is terrified of Joe Biden because the Vice President would beat him like a drum,” she said.

No evidence has emerged that Biden intentionally acted to aid his son in his work in Ukraine.

Biden’s return to the campaign trail Friday represented the start of a critical and unpredictable phase of his presidential bid: He is not only running to lead the Democrats against Trump in 2020 but also grappling with a national spotlight on his family and how to handle questions — and any potential political fallout — associated with his role in the Ukraine storyline that House Democrats are now investigating.

Trump has been regularly attacking Biden and his son over their dealings with Ukraine, often using innuendo and falsehoods. The president has also delivered deeply personal insults about Hunter Biden, seemingly trying to bait the elder Biden into retaliating.

How Biden handles Trump’s constant broadsides — as well as questions from reporters and voters about Ukraine, impeachment and his son’s business history — will be a significant test for the candidate who has topped polls for much of the primary race but has seen his lead dip recently.

“You have to be strategic and thoughtful about how you respond and when you respond and the nature of your response,” said former Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack, who attended a recent Biden fundraiser but has not endorsed any candidate. “He has focused as much on the damage to the country, the concerns he has about misuse of power, as he has on the personal side of this.”

Biden advisers, who argue that Trump’s focus on the former vice president underscores his fears about Biden, have mounted a ferocious offensive against reporters who have questioned Biden’s record on Ukraine or raised his son’s business dealings. It is a strategy they say will continue; whether Biden faces doubts from voters over those issues will become clearer in the coming weeks.

Privately, some of Biden’s advisers and allies said this week that they would like to see the former vice president speak out more forcefully against Trump, in a way that channels the outrage of the party’s base and the resolve of Democrats in Congress.

After Tuesday’s announcement of an impeachment inquiry, Biden’s instinct was to be more restrained than some supporters would prefer, and he is far less eager to discuss impeachment than some of his rivals have been.

Some political strategists said that Biden faced risks if he failed to push back hard against Trump and that he could help himself if he used this moment to show he would be a formidable adversary in a general election against Trump.

“Is Biden going to take the fight to him, or is it going to be something more nuanced in an age when nuance doesn’t work?” asked Mary Anne Marsh, a Democratic strategist based in Boston.

She said Biden could not afford to dodge the situation, especially on the trail with voters. “He has to address it,” Marsh said. “It’s the elephant in the room.”

Even as he tore into Trump on Friday, some in Biden’s camp say that he will also continue to promote his policy messages, as he did in Las Vegas. But with Trump and Republicans seemingly poised to continue attacks on Biden and his son, his ability to stay on that message will face another significant test.

Biden is already under pressure from several directions: He faces intense competition for the nomination from Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, who has been rising in polls and overtook him in a key survey in Iowa recently. He will soon announce his fundraising results for the third quarter of 2019, which will show whether he has momentum in the money race. As the end of the quarter approaches, Biden has spent much of his time at high-dollar fundraisers — which are covered by the news media — a decision that has taken him away from public events at a momentous time for his candidacy.

Biden, 76, continues to face concerns about his age from some voters who are eager for a fresh approach to politics, and he is often the target of challenges from his more liberal Democratic rivals over issues like health care and immigration.

Biden has been relatively measured in the past several days, avoiding unusual jeremiads or off-key criticisms of the president.

On Tuesday he delivered a public statement casting Trump’s overtures to Ukraine as a national emergency that transcends the personal nature of his attacks. At private fundraisers since, he has insisted that his family did not engage in wrongdoing but has also sought to keep the focus on the broader challenges that he says Trump poses to the country.

At a fundraiser in Pasadena, California, on Thursday, he mocked the president, joking about what a call between Trump and the Ukrainian president might have sounded like.

“It’s never been about me,” he said, striking a more serious note at a fundraiser in San Marino, California, also Thursday. “It’s a tactic that’s used by this president to try to hijack an election so we do not focus on the issues that matter in our lives, in your lives.”

By Friday morning, Biden had reprised the hijacking’ metaphor in a Twitter post.

The message accompanied a video that highlighted the false or politically motivated nature of some of Trump’s claims about the Bidens. Meanwhile, his team has been aggressively raising money online off the Ukraine controversy in the final days of the fundraising quarter.

In interviews at his event in Las Vegas, most voters said they approved of the more disciplined way Biden had responded to Trump’s attacks and wanted the vice president to remain focused on presenting his agenda for the country. Some said they were far more concerned about Biden’s age than they were about any negative implications from being connected to the impeachment inquiry.

Emily Anderson Shaw, a 46-year-old from Pahrump, Nevada, who came to the event with her husband, echoed the notion that Biden would be walking into the president’s trap if he decided to engage aggressively.

“I think what Trump wants is for him to argue, because that’s what Trump does — he likes to argue,” she said. “Don’t fall into it.”

Paul Glass, 67, of Las Vegas, said Biden was “playing it smart.”

“He doesn’t need to get into the dumpster with Donald Trump about throwing lies and lies and lies out there,” he said. “Put your thoughts out there — what you believe, what you’re pushing for the American people — put it out there and let it run.”

This article originally appeared in

For Biden, a Question of How Forcefully to Counterattack Trump

LAS VEGAS — Joe Biden, under daily attack from President Donald Trump and facing renewed scrutiny of his family, used his first public event since Democrats began an impeachment inquiry to lash back at the president, saying he had “violated his oath of office” and asserting, in a newly emerging campaign message, that he was trying to “hijack this election.”

In broad but unequivocal terms, Biden offered a scathing assessment of Trump’s leadership, saying the president’s judgment has tarnished the country’s reputation abroad and undermined its ability to achieve its foreign policy goals. As a counterpoint, Biden set forth his own foreign policy vision that he said was needed to restore America’s position as a global leader, including working with other countries toward collective aims.

“The threat that I believe President Trump poses to our national security and where we are as a country is extreme,” Biden said in a midday speech in New York City. He criticized the president’s “chest-thumping” and called him inept at global and domestic leadership.

Returning again and again to themes of democracy and American values, Biden delivered a message of unity over division and promised to reverse many of Trump’s decisions. He referred to President Barack Obama, for whom he served as vice president for eight years, with a tone that seemed intended to soothe and fortify voters disenchanted with Trump’s brash style of statecraft and “America First” philosophy. Biden spoke of American values — freedom of religion, freedom of speech and freedom of the press — and alluded to the Statue of Liberty.

Among his specific proposals was a plan to convene and host a summit of the world’s democracies in his first year as president “to put strengthening democracy back on the global stage.”

“Leaders who attend must come prepared to cooperate and make concrete commitments to take on corruption and advance human rights in their own nations,” Biden said. The summit, he said, would also challenge the private sector, including technology companies and social media giants, to commit to countering both censorship and the spread of hate.

Biden said he would also rejoin the Paris climate accord as a component of his global plan to confront climate change and he pledged to reverse Trump’s “detrimental asylum policies.”

“If we focus, this is not a moment to fear,” Biden said. “It’s a time for us to tap into the strength and audacity that took us to victory in two world wars and brought down the Iron Curtain.”

The former vice president’s initiatives would constitute a renewed embrace of multilateralism and a rebuke of Trump’s policy of spurning international agreements and denigrating institutions like NATO.

Biden’s speech Thursday also represented an effort to bring the campaign back to where he is most comfortable: above the crowded Democratic field, seeking to cast the contest as a head-to-head matchup against Trump.

In a seven-page fact sheet that accompanied Biden’s speech, he provided a three-pronged blueprint for accomplishing his foreign policy agenda, including specific early actions he would undertake as president, both domestically and abroad. He pledged, for instance, to reform the criminal justice system and to dedicate resources to protect the election system — a nod to the foreign meddling that bedeviled the 2016 presidential election. He also vowed to end family separation at the southern border and to discontinue Trump’s travel ban.

“Democracy is the root of our society, the wellspring of our power, and the source of our renewal,” he wrote. “It strengthens and amplifies our leadership to keep us safe in the world. It is the engine of our ingenuity that drives our economic prosperity. It is the heart of who we are and how we see the world — and how the world sees us.”

From the outset, Biden assailed Trump for his cozy relationships with authoritarian leaders like President Vladimir Putin of Russia and Kim Jong Un of North Korea. “He undermines our Democratic alliances while embracing dictators who appeal to his vanity,” Biden said of the president. “Make no mistake about it — the world sees Trump for what he is: insincere, ill-informed and impulsive.”

He also criticized Trump’s approach to China, saying the president’s plan was shortsighted while China was “playing the long game.”

“We need to get tough with China,” he said. “The most effective way that we need to change is to build a united front of friends and partners to challenge China’s abusive behavior, even as we seek to deepen cooperation on issues where our interests are converged like climate change and preventing nuclear proliferation,” he said.

But in an appeal to the working-class voters he hopes to woo, he also pledged to overhaul the country’s trade policies.

“There’s not going to be a back to business as usual on trade with me,” he said. “We need new rules. We need new processes.”

The speech comes as Biden seeks to move past a difficult stretch of the campaign following a shaky debate performance that worried even many of his allies, as well as days spent defending his civil rights record.

On Saturday, in a rare move from a politician who often resists making apologies, Biden expressed regret for speaking warmly about working relationships with segregationists at a fundraiser last month. He sought to put the episode behind him after Sen. Kamala Harris of California chided him in the first presidential primary debate, lacing into him for his opposition to some busing initiatives dating to the 1970s.

Biden did not draw explicit distinctions between his candidacy and those of his Democratic rivals in his address Thursday, but the speech, and its broad international themes, offered an implicit contrast: His allies argue that Biden, a former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and a former vice president, has more experience on the global stage than any of his opponents at a time when many Democrats believe Trump has shredded America’s credibility and standing in the world.

In a video released before the speech, Biden’s campaign attempted to paint Trump as a dangerous global steward, offering clips of him alongside authoritarian leaders including Kim and Putin.

Though there has already been some focus on Biden’s previous support for the Iraq War during the campaign — Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont has attacked him for that position, and his aides say he intends to continue to do so this summer — Biden’s speech was focused on the present and the future, rather than the past.

“American leadership is not infallible — we’ve made missteps and mistakes,” Biden said. “But let me be clear — I will never hesitate to protect the American people.”

This article originally appeared in <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/11/us/politics/joe-biden-foreign-policy.html" id="2ec4adc9-3569-3229-ac7c-7220cff2fe72">The New York Times</a>.

Biden, in Foreign Policy Speech, Castigates Trump and Urges Global Diplomacy

After spending two weeks sparring with his presidential primary opponents, Joe Biden sought once more to rise above the Democratic fray Thursday, delivering a sweeping foreign policy address that denounced President Donald Trump as incapable of global leadership and called for a new commitment to multilateral diplomacy.

Biden, in foreign policy speech, castigates Trump and urges global diplomacy

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